Malenkaya Strana: little country, big dreams

In Moldova’s tug-of-war between disinformation and democracy, Dumitru Garcaliuc champions Europe, one story at a time.

In a crowded landscape of online feeds of fakes and fabrications, the digital platform Malenkaya Strana (the name means ‘little country’) has carved out a name for itself, one of only a small number of Russian-language platforms amidst a sea of digital disinformation. 

Dumitru Garcaliuc hadn’t planned on becoming an investigative journalist. But his experience of being in Zaporizhzhia in Ukraine made him understand that something had to change. There, he’d realised that a battle of narratives was taking place, one with roots that crept much further than just Ukraine. It was here where the idea for Malenkaya Strana was born. “It was only a matter of time,” he says. “I felt instinctively; we wouldn’t be unaffected by this – something had to be done.”

With little more than conviction and some cameras, Dumitru set out in May 2024 to cut across the noise and build a media platform with a difference. He relied first on his friends for investment to get the idea off the ground and running. 

It paid off. Within weeks, Malenkaya Strana’s explainer videos were ricocheting across YouTube and Telegram. By the summer, they had racked up four million views. Today, they have over 65,000 subscribers and millions of views.

This was the start of something new in Moldova’s media scene. And it proved that something different was possible. 

The right language

Things shifted significantly in the media landscape when Moldova shut down Russian and pro-Russian TV stations in 2023 and 2024. But these audiences didn’t just disappear, they migrated onto Telegram channels, TikTok streams, and down algorithmic rabbit holes. And pro-Kremlin voices quickly followed them there, to wage a digital war. 

Other media outlets struggled to keep pace. Most relied on older journalistic traditions and established ways of reporting. Few spoke fluent social media, and even fewer broadcast in Russian. “It was about creating something that people could relate to,” Dumitru says, “showing them a new perspective – a critical voice.” 

Malenkaya Strana did – and does – just that. Its videos take apart common pro-Kremlin tropes, exposing dubious political links and disinformation with patient storytelling, providing context, and perspective. Connection to the audience is key. The result isn’t just mere content, but a counterweight, credibility, a familiar face. 

As for the risks, Dumitru laughs, recounting attempts to discredit him online. The bots coming after him didn’t deter his work. In fact, the attacks have bolstered his resolve – drawing even more people to Malenkaya Strana’s reporting. It’s this that keeps him and his dedicated team of journalists working. 

The disinformation wave

But in early 2025, the project nearly collapsed. Their main source of support was suspended, leaving the newsroom days from shutting down. An emergency financial lifeline from the European Endowment for Democracy (EED) kept the lights on. 

Three months later, this investment bore fruit when the platform broke a critical story: Moldovan oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc’s secret visit to Moscow, where he met with Kremlin powerbroker Dmitry Kozak. The investigation made national – and international – headlines. Malenkaya Strana had demonstrated that a fledgling digital newsroom could not only compete, but also lead the way. The financial help from the EED had enabled Dumitru and his team to focus on what mattered – sharing stories, videos and investigations to counteract the wave of disinformation that Moldovans faced online. 

An electoral knife edge

That clarity matters more now. On 28 September, Moldova faces new parliamentary elections. The country has already experienced the democratic distortion that disinformation brings. The 2024 presidential vote and EU referendum were scarred by Russian interference, vote-buying, and whole campaigns being coordinated from abroad. 

This year is already proving challenging – pro-Russian networks are now entrenched within Moldova’s digital landscape. “They exploit the fears of the people,” Dumitru says. “The vulnerability of our democracy.” 

In many ways Malenkaya Strana is about the opposite – hope. As one of the few independent Russian-language voices in Moldova with reach and nuance, Malenkaya Strana prides itself on being a channel that doesn’t just react – but reframes. A newsroom that can place its documentaries, explainers, and reporting not only on YouTube and Telegram feeds, but in the minds of its people. “It’s about building trust,” Dumitru says. “Trust in the future – hope for the generations that come after us.” 

The path forward

But Dumitru isn’t naïve about the obstacles ahead. “We will face a lot of challenges,” he says, “but the important thing is to not be afraid. That’s what they want – for us to be afraid.”  He has hope for Moldova’s European path, seeing the youth paving the way. These are the values that he strives towards with his reporting. 

Survival, however, is not guaranteed. Each month brings new uncertainty, a new crisis. What keeps them alive is an insistence that the country will not be deterred from its path to the European Union and that independent, pro-European Russian-language journalism in Moldova cannot vanish. 

Because if it does, the void it leaves behind won’t stay empty. It will be filled by someone else, somewhere else, with stories designed to erase the country’s independence. For now, Malenkaya Strana remains, small in name, but loud in presence. A little country of its own, in a region where not disappearing is already a victory. “We may be a little country, but we have big plans,” says Dumitru, a twinkle in his eye. 

The European Endowment for Democracy

Malenkaya Strana was supported thanks to the contribution of the European Commission to the European Endowment for Democracy (EED), an independent, grant-making organisation, established in 2013 by the European Union and EU member states as an autonomous International Trust Fund to foster democracy in the European Neighbourhood, the Western Balkans, Turkey and beyond.

EED supports civil society organisations, pro-democracy movements, civic and political activists, and independent media platforms and journalists working towards a pluralistic, democratic political system.

The EED was established by the EU as an independent, complementary mechanism to provide fast and flexible technical and financial support to democratisation and human rights promotion in the European Neighbourhood.

This story was first published by the European Endowment for Democracy (EED)

[popular_posts columns_xl=”4″ columns_l=”4″ columns_m=”3″]